Second-Half Score Depends on Who Calls the Plays

Clint Eastwood’s Chrysler ad during the Super Bowl knocked me out.

It was stunningly effective piece of work. It resonated deeply with me as a skillfully crafted message – even as I knew it wasn’t telling the whole truth about the comeback of Detroit, my hometown.

Still, I wanted to believe, if only for a few minutes, that we could work together to confront our national problems, and millions of other Super Bowl watchers joined me in that yearning.

It reminded me of another inspired piece of highly distilled corn-pone football-inspired poetry: what Coach told his players on `Friday Night Lights,’ “Clear eyes, full hearts, can’t lose.”

With its irresistibly simple pep-talk pitch, the ad stirred up strong feelings, both for what it said and what it left unsaid about what’s actually going on in Detroit and the U.S.

It showed once again the power of plain language, delivered in Eastwood’s classic growl.

It reminded me how ineffective those of us who oppose corporate power have often been in claiming for our cause our deeply rooted patriotism and our pride in how every-day Americans have fought again and again, against terrible obstacles, to build a democracy that would work for everyone.

It also provoked deep feelings about Clint Eastwood, the ever-evolving artist.

He's been a great champion of Detroit. He made one of his finest films, “Gran Torino,” in the city. Released in 2008 in the wake of the financial collapse, it tells the story of the redemption of a retired autoworker, recently widowed and deeply racist.

Reviewing the film, Manohla Dargis wrote in the New York Times: “Melancholy is etched in every long shot of Detroit’s decimated, emptied streets and in the faces of those who remain to still walk in them. Made in the 1960s and `70s, the Gran Torino was never a great symbol of American automotive might, which makes Walt [Eastwood’s character’s] love for the car more poignant. It was made by an industry that now barely makes cars, in a city that hardly works, in a country that too often has felt recently as if it can’t do anything right anymore except, every so often, make a movie like this one.”

Eastwood made `Gran Torino’ under the generous tax breaks of a program designed to encourage filmmaking in Detroit, a program that has since been limited by the state’s current Republican governor, eroding the promise of the nascent film industry.

For the Chrysler ad, the auto company enlisted not only Eastwood, but hired a top ad agency, Wieden-Kennedy; the director of several terrific films, David Gordon Green; and two top-notch writers: Oregon-based poet Matthew Dickman and Texas-based fiction writer, Smith Henderson.

Even so, it’s an ad, meant to sell cars by inspiring hope and pride in Americans’ ability to get up and come back after a hard punch.

So the ad doesn’t quite tell you the real score at the end of the first half, nor does it come entirely clean on who's been playing on which team.

If the 99 percent were writing the script, not Chrysler, Eastwood might have something very different to say about our game plan as the second half gets underway.

It doesn’t mention that the majority owner of Chrysler is now Fiat, an Italian auto firm, or that Chrysler, newly profitable after it $12.5 billion taxpayer bailout, now pays new employees $14-$16 an hour, about half of what Chrysler employees used to be paid.

“The gratitude that many Detroit workers felt just after the bailout,” Reuters reported last October, “has given way to a frustrated sense that blue-collar workers have not shared equally in the industry's comeback.”

I wonder what Clint Eastwood’s characters might say about our current predicament.

Something tells me Eastwood’s iconic Dirty Harry character wouldn’t think much of our state attorneys general’s settlement with the big banks, which lets the bankers off the hook for fraud in the foreclosure process in exchange for ineffective and inadequate assistance for homeowners.

Describing the $26 billion settlement, the Times acknowledges it would “help

a relatively small portion of the millions of borrowers who are delinquent and facing foreclosure.”

Meanwhile, while it will be good for the banks to get the foreclosure fraud charges behind them, it remains unclear how much the settlement will help the “moribund” housing market, the Times reports.

The $26 million will be distributed to states according to a complex formula. Actual victims of foreclosure fraud are supposed to get about $1,500 apiece. An undetermined number of underwater homeowners will get their principals written down by about $20,000. Some funding will also go to further investigation into banker fraud and consumer education.

Unfortunately neither the Obama Administration nor the AGs’ credibility is very good in living up to previous promises to help homeowners. Previous administration efforts, as well as previous AG settlements, have delivered much less than they initially promised, plagued by inadequate oversight and relying on voluntary bank participation. For more details, check Naked Capitalism; for more critique, Firedoglake.

What would Eastwood’s Dirty Harry think?

Just another day at the office, with the thugs getting away with their crimes in a world gone awry.

I couldn’t help wondering: would Dirty Harry negotiate with an intruder who robbed your house? Would he suggest to the intruder, “OK, just give back 30 percent of what you took and clean out the rain gutters and we’ll call it even?”

Unlikely. Dirty Harry would track down the crooks, scowl and start blasting away with his trademark .44 Magnum.

One of our previous presidents, Ronald Reagan, understood the visceral power of Dirty Harry and evoked him in a fight with Congress, when it was threatening to raise taxes. Reagan said he would veto any tax increase. “Go ahead,” the former president said, quoting the Dirty Harry character, “make my day.”

You’ll find very little of that spirit among the Obama administration officials and lawmen and law women assigned to the big bank beat.

Walt, the character in  `Gran Torino,’ and Dirty Harry are very different characters, separated by age and experience. They both live in broken worlds, filled with violence and cynicism. But confronted with today’s bankers, they would recognize them for what they are: shameless bullies, terrifying our neighborhood. And they would recognize the Obama administration and the state AGS who negotiated with them rather than investigated them for what they have become: cowards.

 

 

The Road From Memphis

President Obama and his family celebrated Martin Luther King’s birthday by painting fruit characters on a schoolhouse wall as part of anti-obesity campaign.

Evoking King’s legacy, the president didn’t mention Memphis.

That was the slain civil rights leader’s last campaign. He went to support a hotly contested unionization effort on the behalf of the city African-American sanitation workers.

Listening to President Obama’s remarks on King’s birthday, you might think that the slain civil rights leader was mainly about encouraging volunteerism.

No doubt child nutrition is an important issue. But reducing King’s legacy to some bland notion of community service seriously understates what King, and the others who struggled alongside him, were about.

King upset people. He challenged power. He divided the country. During his lifetime, politicians demonized him. Law enforcement wiretapped and harassed him.

King, meanwhile, moved from a struggle for civil rights for minorities to a broader struggle for economic rights.

In Memphis, conflict had been building since February 1968, when two black sanitation workers were crushed to death when the compactor mechanism of their trash truck was accidentally triggered during a heavy rain.

On the same day in a separate incident also related to the bad weather, 22 black sewer workers had been sent home without pay while their white supervisors were retained for the day with pay. A couple of weeks later most of he city’s black sanitation workers began a strike for job safety, better wages and benefits, and union recognition.

The mayor, Heny Loeb, staunchly opposed the workers' demands, especially union recognition, and he resisted all efforts to resolve the strike.

King had led a march in support of the strikers in late March but he was deeply distressed when it turned violent and one man was killed. Nonetheless he returned to the city a week later to participate in another march. Several days before the march was scheduled, as King stepped out of his motel for dinner, he was assassinated.

Only after King’s death did the sanitation workers win their struggle for better working conditions and union recognition.

Is it any wonder that President, who every day binds himself more tightly to the interests of Wall Street and the Chamber of Commerce, wouldn’t want to invoke this more challenging aspect of King’s legacy?

Obama’s election can be seen as the historic culmination as just one of King’s ambitious goals. But on the road that took King to Memphis, we still have a long way to go.

Hurricane Katrina & Wall Street

Hurricane Katrina, once considered the disaster of the decade, is the subject of a new exhibition at the Newseum, a high tech museum devoted to journalism in Washington, D.C., timed to coincide with the fifth anniversary of our national failure in New Orleans.

NewseumFirst you walk down a hall lined with the front pages of newspapers that chronicle the progress of Katrina from a natural disaster when it hit New Orleans with unprecedented force on Monday, August 29, 2005, to a few days later, when, as the world watched, Katrina became a man-made catastrophe, with the levees collapsed, the city underwater and the vaunted United States government unable to come to the aid of its citizens. The September 3 headlines range from “Unbelievable” to “Is This America?” 1800 Americans died, and the entire city evacuated – more than a million U.S. citizens rendered homeless.

The rest of the exhibit focuses on how journalists covered the story, without electricity and often at great risk. Suffice it to say that the blogosphere will never substitute for professional reporters when it comes to these kinds of events.

It is an infuriating and emotional visit. Boxes of Kleenex are strategically placed through the exhibit, and you’ll need them.

Katrina invites comparison to 9/11, when the failure of U.S. intelligence, military planners and airline security personnel combined to render our nation powerless against a throng of determined fanatics. Congressional investigators said, “If 9/11 was a failure of imagination then Katrina was a failure of initiative.”

A court later held the federal Army Corps of Engineers responsible for the collapse of the levees and thus the destruction of New Orleans once Katrina hit. You can read the congressional report chronicling the government’s failure to prepare for and then manage the disaster here.

Conservatives seized on Katrina as more proof that big government is bad, although it’s hard to fathom how “market forces” could fill the shoes of a national government.

After a viciously hot summer throughout the nation, you wonder whether Katrina was the result of yet another failure of political imagination, at the US and global level: the failure to acknowledge and reverse global warming while there was still time.

Meanwhile, Katrina has been superseded by an even more devastating man-made disaster: the economic collapse in 2008. Like Katrina or 9/11, the initial catastrophe was not government’s doing, it was Wall Street greed and speculation. But, like 9/11 and Katrina, government bears responsibility for allowing it to happen. As I noted in the introduction to our report on the crash, Wall Street paid off Congress to let “market forces” run amok, and when the bubble inevitably burst, Washington quickly rescued the financiers.

But like the residents of New Orleans, many Americans are struggling to stay afloat and some have gone under. In terms of lives ruined, families sundered, pensions lost, people made homeless or left without health care, who knows whether the toll from this disaster will exceed that of Katrina or, for that matter, 9/11.

Wall Street's Back – And Has Detroit by The Throat

While financial institutions drastically reduce lending again to private lenders and businesses, they’re also tightening the vice on cash-strapped public agencies from California to New Jersey.

This aspect of the financial meltdown has gotten less attention than the bonuses and the bailouts: how AIG and other Wall Street giants sold cities, towns, school boards and other public agencies high-risk investments and complex financing schemes during the boom. Now that the economy, the government agencies’ credit ratings and all those risky investments have gone bust, Wall Street is hounding cash-strapped governments from California to New Jersey for its money.